We shall now follow the footsteps of Paul Gallez in La Cola del Dragón: América del Sur en los mapas antiguos, medievales y renacentistas. The Chinese theory is based on the phrase used by Ptolemy in his Geographike hyphegesis: Cattigara, anchorage of the Chinese. The voyage could have been made using the current circulating in the southern Pacific between Australia and the southern part of South America. The same current could also have been used as a return route, from Peru to the Moluccas, which would have afforded much gentler weather conditions for the return voyage.

     These facts, which we inferred from the Alexandrian document, are confirmed in the Chinese Annals, especially those of the Han dynasty, where we read that in 219 BC, that the emperor Shih-Huang-Ti sent out ‘an expedition of young men and women to a wonderful country lying far off to the east, across the ocean, called Fu-Sang. The young people settled there and were happy'.

     The Fu-Sang hypothesis is confirmed in another section of the Chinese Annals, referring to the fifth century AD. According to Ma-Twan-Lin, a Buddhist priest called Hwi-Shin returned from Fu-Sang in 499AD (Richard Henning: Terrae Incognitae, 4 vol. Leiden 1956 ). He described this country, lying 20,000 lis away (a li is a Chinese measure of distance equal to 576 metres) to the east, with details of its inhabitants, customs, houses, trees and animals. Hwui-Shin tells us that Fu-Sang is situated on the ‘eastern coast of the eastern sea', that is to say, the American coast of the Pacific Ocean, according to Tun-Fang-Soh (Gustave Schlegel; Fu-Sang Kouo, le pays de Fu-Sang. Extrait du Toung-Pao, III 2. Leiden, Brill 1892).

     The Chinese encyclopaedia San-ts' ai t'u-hui offers us a drawing of a Fu-Sang native milking a llama (Gustave Schlegel, op, cit. 127). Do we need any further proof to the fact that Fu-Sang and Peru were one and the same country? (Jane et al. Wheeler Pires Ferreira: Domesticación de los camélidos en los Andes centrales durante el periodo precerámico. Journal de la Societé des Americanistes LXIV 155-156. Paris 1977).


     We continue to follow Paul Gallez in his Predescubrimientos de América (pp. 61-64, Bahía Blanca 2001). He tells us that, in the past, numerous Orientalists have argued passionately about the location of Fu-Sang. The first of these was Joseph de Guignes (Le Fou Sang des Chinois est el l'Amerique? Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, tome 28, Paris, 1761), who took the expression ‘to the east of China' quite literally and situated Fu-Sang in Mexico. During the nineteenth century, this thesis was either defended or attacked by Neumann, de Paravay, Eichtal, Leland, Hervé Saint Denis, Klaproth, Vivien de Saint Martin, Bretschneider, Schlegel, Dall, Müller and Chamberlain. Nearly all of these were German or French, living in Paris. The most important work is that of Edward Winning (An Inglorious Columbus or Evidence that Hwishin and a Party of Buddhist monks of Afghanistan Discovered America in the Fifth Century. New York, Appleton 1885), which offers numerous original and powerful arguments in support of Guignes's original thesis.

     It is incredible, says Gallez, how some men of science can be consumed by passion, even where there is no question of material benefit. All that is at stake is the scientific prestige of those who refuse to swallow ridiculous ideas against those who have freed themselves from the paltriness and the traditions of obscurantism. Fortunately for us, he goes on to say, modern science is much more free to suggest heterodox, original answers. Anthropological factors in America indicate mongoloid and not Chinese ancestry, he says. There is much yet to be studied on this subject.


Àncores xineses / Anclas chinas / Xinese anchors (Cortesía: Fundació Jaume I, Nadal, 1991)

     The latest dispute over Chinese migration to America only goes to confirm that modern specialists still retain the same mentality as those of the nineteenth century. The argument is about the stone anchors of Palos Verdes, a beautiful headland lying a few miles south of Los Angeles, California, (Frank J. Frost, The Palos Verdes Chinese Anchor Mystery, Archaeology 31/1, New York 1982). Here we have another clear example of the intransigence of the two opposing positions taken up by the scientists. In 1973, a ship belonging to the Geology Service of the United States Navy came across some stones, which had clearly been shaped by man, a short distance from Palos Verdes, submerged in very deep water. They appeared to be very similar to those used in the Mediterranean in the Bronze Age (c. 1500/1100 BC). The layers of manganese encrusting these rocks indicated that they had been lying on the ocean bed for many years. In 1975, off the coast of Palos Verdes, two professional divers found more than twenty of these stones strewn around a reef and covered in seaweed, and took some of them to their base at Redondo Beach so that they could have a better look at them.

     William Clewlow of the School of Archaeology in the University of California and James Moriarty, an anthropologist from the University of San Diego made a statement to the press to the effect that the stones were actually Chinese anchors and must have been lying on the ocean bed for between 500 and 1000 years. They sent some specimens to the University of Minnesota and also to a Chinese scientific organisation. The historian Fang Zhong Po published an article in China Reconstructs where he recalls the visit made to America by the monk Hwi-Shin and claims that the perforated stones were made from a rock commonly found in southern China. The hole would have been used for a rope to be passed through it, so that it might act as an anchor and he also said that they were similar in type to those used in China for many thousands of years.

     However, contradictory opinions were soon voiced, claiming that this type of stone is found in Monterey, 100 kilometres south of San Francisco. The next step was to attribute their manufacture to the Chinese emigrants drawn to California in the nineteenth century during the gold rush. Those who did not strike it rich in the gold mines went back to their original occupation of fishing and made their own anchors from local stone. The larger stones were used for their boats and the smaller ones for the nets.

     Is it so difficult to know, asks Paul Gallez, if a stone has been lying under water for a century or a millennium, if the layers of manganese could have been deposited in 100 or 1000 years and if the cristobalite rock was typical of China or California?

     Yet again, Gallez reminds us, the experts seem determined to defend a pre-established theory rather than to seek a scientific truth, for fear that this might endanger the ideas they have been expounding for years. Resistance to change is one of the main brakes to scientific progress. We obtain more information about the stone anchors found in Californian waters from Dr. Gustavo Vargas (Fusang – Chinos en America antes de Colón, México, Edición Trillas 1980, pages 42-44). He says that, in 1976, professor James R. Moriarty from the University of San Diego announced that two stone cylindrical objects and another rectangular one had been discovered. They had been pulled up out of the deep water off the headland of Palos Verdes, California.

     The second discovery was made by the American research vessel Pioneer which also brought a large stone to the surface near Medecino Point, California. This stone was round, with a hole in the middle and was encrusted in a layer of manganese. The thickness of this layer allowed us to calculate that the stone had been lying on the ocean floor for between two and three thousand years. Professor Moriarty maintains that these stones are anchors from Chinese boats since there are historical records showing that this type of anchor is of Chinese origin, and that these kinds of stones were never used in America. It was also clear from their size that the anchors must have belonged to ocean-going vessels. Doctor Fang Zhongfu, of the Beijing Research Institute of Maritime Transport, said in 1980: ‘The finding of the stone anchors offers new evidence in the study of trade between China and America'.

     New reports published in 1984 stated that 35 more anchors had been recovered from Californian waters around Palos Verdes, some weighing as much as 138 kilos, and they were judged to be as much as 3,000 years old.

     Bearing all this in mind, we read in Gustavo Vargas's Fusang that, if we discard the idea that the presence of Chinese ships, settlers and traders could be considered a ‘discovery', and we accept the fact of the multiple existence of different peoples and races among the primitive inhabitants of America, it is far from absurd to admit that, since remote times, there have been contacts and commercial exchange with the Chinese; the Han (the name of five Chinese dynasties) and the Manchu or Tartars, of which we can still discover traces, despite the passing of the years and the wanton destruction that mankind has wreaked on the environment.


     From a historical perspective, it is alarming to discover that the western world has long ignored the fact that China was an important maritime power over a considerable period of time. Looking at things from the point of view of naval engineering, Chinese ships from as early as the third century BC were reaching the American coast (Gustavo Vargas Martínez, Fusang Chinos en América antes de Colón, Trillas, México, 1990, pp. 34 onwards). The most reliable proof, says Vargas, is the discovery, as recently as 1974, of shipbuilding yards in Canton. The largest bay that has been excavated to date measures l.8 metres in width in the centre and 29 metres in length. It has been calculated that in this size bay, they could have built ships of between 6 and 8 metres in breadth, 30 metres in length and 50-60 tonnes in displacement. We must remember that these yards date back to 221-206 BC.

     So as to have a better sense of comparison, we should remember that Columbus's flagship, the Santa Maria, measured 34 metres in length and had a displacement of nearly 100 tonnes; the Pinta had a displacement of 40 tonnes and the Niña was barely 18 metres in length with 50 tonnes of displacement. And these were ships built sixteen centuries later.

     Joseph Needham, the highly regarded author of Science and Civilisation in China, tells us that the Chinese used junks or sampans from the tenth century BC, rudders at the stern from the first century BC, that paddle boats existed as far back as the fifth and sixth centuries AD, that in the thirteenth century they had three-masted ocean-going junks and that from 1100 to 1450, the Chinese fleet was indisputably the largest in the world.


      Charles H. Hapgood (Maps of the Ancient Sea Kings, Adventures Unlimited Press, Kempton, Illinois, 1996, pp.135-147) tells us about the research he has carried out on the Map of Yü Chi Fu, also known as Map of the Paths of Yü the Great, which he came across in the work of Joseph Needham I have referred to above (Science and Civilisation in China, 3 volumes, CUP, 1959). In the third volume there is a reproduction of a map engraved in stone in China in 1137 AD, although, says Needham, it had been known of long before that. Yü Chi Fu's map has been studied by Joseph Needham along with other Chinese researchers, and is shrouded in the same mystery as the charts of ports and harbours, maritime charts with compass bearings, considered to be the first real nautical charts in that they were drawn to be used by sailors themselves. If we compare the Chinese river system as shown on this old map with that of a modern one, we can appreciate its remarkable accuracy.

     Hapgood also highlights the fact that the map was drawn by a person with a considerable knowledge of longitudes, as were the charts of ports and harbours, something totally lacking in the classical Geek and Roman maps. Apparently, Yü Chi Fu's map could not have been drawn by making use of typical medieval Chinese or Japanese techniques of map projection.

     It is Charles H. Hapgood's opinion that Needham and the Chinese map experts who originally studied the map assumed that the grid on the map was the original one with which the map had been drawn. However, Hapgood claims that further research on the map reveals that the graph-lines inherent to single plane trigonometry could not have made up the original grid. ‘After a prolonged study of the measurements of the degree of longitude on the map, I was absolutely astounded', he says,‘because I discovered that it was unquestionably shorter than that of latitude. In other words, what was revealed on Yü Chi Fu's map is the rectangular grid found on the maps of Piri Reis, on those of Ptolemy and, also, by the use of spherical trigonometry, on the map of Caverio'.

     Also, if we study the coordinates of places on the four quarters of the map, we will see that any errors are negligible, which goes to show that when the old Chinese map was drawn, the mapmakers had the means of accurately finding the longitude as well as the latitude in exactly the same way as the charts of ports and harbours known in the western world. The accuracy of the Chinese map reveals the use of spherical trigonometry and a rectangular grid system, as in the case of the map of Caverio, suggests that the original projection might also have been obtained with the use of spherical trigonometry.


     Gavin Menzies (1421: The Year China Discovered the World, Bantam Press, London 2002, Appendix 4, p. 417) mentions that the Chinese were able to determine longitude at the beginning of the fifteenth century. Curiously enough, Menzies, who likes to find explanations for everything even though this is not always possible, did not know of the existence of Yü Chi Fu's 1137 Chinese map nor of Paul Gallez's work, La Cola del Dragón, where the Argentine scholar presents us with an exhaustive piece of research, in which he shows us that in Henricus Martellus's 1489 map, in the so-called ‘fourth Asian peninsula' leading off the Chinese mainland (in actual fact South America) we can find the entire river system, from the Orinoco to the Grande River in Tierra del Fuego. Firstly, Gavin Menzies would have us believe that the 1502 Cantino map had also been drawn by Chinese navigators: ‘The longitude of the east African coast between Cape Town and Djibouti, a distance of some seven thousand sea miles, has an error margin of twenty sea miles (a mere twenty seconds of a degree)'. However, it so happens that Chinese knowledge of astronomy in 1421 was apparently not sophisticated enough to draw such accurate maps as those of Martellus (1489), Catino (1502), or Piri Reis (1513) among others. On the other hand, there were cartographers in twelfth-century China who drew the Yü Chi Fu map.

     Menzies explains that the ability to accurately measure the passing of time was a prerequisite for the calculation of longitude. The Chinese measured the passing of time by means of a shadow thrown by the sun; that is, they used a gnomon (*) of about twelve metres in height and a clepsidra (**) or water clock. During the night, their measurements were carried out by using various water clocks, which were calibrated by a gnomon during the hours of daylight.

     On consideration, it is preferable to believe, like Charles H. Hapgood and so many other modern researchers, that in olden times, there were people with extensive technical knowledge, which we are as yet unable to explain; for example, their ability to draw the whole South American river system, including lakes and mountains, on a map dating back to before 1492.

(*) An old astronomical instrument, used to determine the azimuth and the elevation of the sun.

(**) A device used to measure time by observing how long it took a certain amount of water to be poured from one glass to another.


     This is a magnificent work by Gustavo Vargas Martínez, to which I have referred previously. The author, who incidentally is a good friend of Paul Gallez, is a professor at the Mexican National School of Anthropology and History and has worked in collaboration with the Beijing Language Institute and in the Comuna Popular Puente de Marco Polo. Vargas Martínez, born in Bucaramanga (Colombia) in 1934, also wrote Atlas antiguo de América (1995); Atlas para la historia del descubrimiento de América (1992); and América en un mapa de 1489 (1996) among other works, as well as more than seventy papers read at international scientific conferences in Asia, Europe and Latin America.

     From our point of view, what is most interesting in Vargas's Fusang is the research relating to the French Chinese expert, Joseph de Guignes in 1761 (Récherches sur les navigations des chinois de côté de l'Amérique et sur quelques peuples situés a l'extrémité de l'Asie). And as Paul Gallez says in La Cola del Dragón, page 147, when de Guignes identified Fu-Sang as South America (‘Le Fou-Sang des chinois est-il l'Amerique?' [Memoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, t.28 (1761), Paris, pages 505-525]) his theory has undergone violent attacks by other oriental scholars who think that to look for Fu-Sang in Mexico, Central America or Peru is going too far, though it is also fair to say that there were also those who supported him. However, as we will see later on, de Guignes was perfectly correct.

     There is no doubt that de Guignes was the first European to refer to the Chinese origins of the American people. In 1752, when he was documenting himself for his work a General History of the Huns, Turks, Mongols and other Tartars in the West, he apparently came across descriptions in the annals of certain countries in eastern Asia which must refer to America.

     De Guignes's reasons, says Vargas Martínez, are based then just as they are now, on the feasibility of Chinese trans-Pacific voyages. According to the Liang Shu, Chinese vessels had sailed the coasts of northern Asia and America over 1,500 years ago. Joseph de Guignes also claims that the Chinese carried out extensive trading roundabout 458 AD, and he even goes so far as to speculate on the possibility that they might have reached Peru, where there are signs of a Chinese presence, although to do this, we would have to prove that it was possible to sail 1,200-1,400 leagues (4,800-5,600 miles) and to cross between 60 and 70 degrees.

     I think it is also important to draw attention to the opinion of Gustavo Vargas (Fusang, pp. 87-93) as to precisely what Christopher Columbus and his brother knew about the Pacific Ocean (then called the Southern Ocean) and Asia. Dr. Vargas speculates on whether the ‘discoverers' sailed blindly and comes up with the answer that this was not at all the case. Indeed, he claims that the Columbus and Pinzón brothers had access to all the geographical data available at that time, and that they had to hand sufficient information to enable them to set off on a fairly routine expedition, several of which were launched at those times, rather than on a wild adventure. He also says that ‘nowadays we find it disconcerting to discover that the ancient Greeks had elaborated complicated geographical projections with such accuracy that it seems unbelievable that Eratosthenes, Strabo, Marinus of Tyre and Ptolemy's maps and writings were not in common use, and that, on the contrary, the biblical ideas of St Augustine, St Isidro and Mandeville the wizard were held as gospel truth'.

     Lastly, we should also draw attention to the sketch drawn by Bartolomé Columbus, which reveals a knowledge of the voyages made by other Spanish explorers between 1498 and 1500. According to Vargas, this shows that the Columbus brothers were indeed aware of being on new terrain, in the south of the continent, although for political reasons they insisted (Christopher especially) on joining them to the old Asian lands.


     Cuenca del Pacífico: 4.000 años de contactos culturales is the title of a magnificent work of research by Jaime Errázuriz Zañartu, an architecture graduate from the Catholic University of Chile, who scientifically establishes, with an abundance of maps, drawings and photographs, that close ties existed between Asia, China in particular, and the American coast of the Pacific over a period of several centuries BC. The book was published by the Catholic University of Chile in June 2000. Only 1000 copies were published and then only in Spanish, which has made it impossible, with a few worthy exceptions, for his research to become known in American universities or by American historians. The people of the United States will, therefore continue to acclaim the ‘impossible charlatan' Christopher Columbus as the ‘discoverer' of America, especially in New York on Columbus Day, every October 12. What I propose is that we give the genuine ‘inventor of the Indies', Cristóbal Colom, a Catalan speaking native of Ibiza, Balearic Islands, the credit for what he really achieved, but that we also recognise the role of the Chinese in American civilisation.

     Jaime Errázuriz was born in Paris in 1925, and has become an authority in the field of cultural relations between Asia and pre-Columbian America. I will make no attempt here to summarise his work as I have done with that of my Argentine friend, Paul Gallez's La Cola del Dragón, but I should like to mention some points of importance for the history of South America, and I would especially recommend the reading of this work.

     In the preface, Betty J. Meyers, an Associate Researcher of the Smithsonian Institution, assesses the evidence of Trans-Pacific contact and tells us quite clearly that ‘those of us who believe that the evidence of trans-Pacific contact is quite conclusive are truly puzzled by the antagonism of those who oppose it; a reaction that have doubtless been provoked by the new ideas revolutionising the scientific world'. We must also analyse the book's subtitle: Why do scholars see macaws where normal people see elephants? Some question, if we consider that a macaw is an American bird, a kind of parrot of about the size of a chicken, with green, blue and red plumage! Well, Betty J. Meyers's answer couldn't be more decisive: ‘The only possible reason for the refusal to believe that the sculptures and the drawings in Mayan codices are Indian elephants is that such an admission would demolish the foundations of the doctrine of an independent evolution of American culture…'.

     The clearest proof that there are indeed pictures of elephants in Central America is probably to be found engraved on a stone in the Main Square of Copan, in the ruins of the Mayan city, and we can see a very clear photograph of it on page 153 of Jaime Errázuriz's book. He says that it would be extremely difficult to think that the trunks are macaws' beaks, and I must say that I am in total agreement. Copan is an administrative region in Honduras, 3,203 square kilometres in area, bordering on the west with Guatemala, and situated 14º 50´ N, 89º 09´ W.

     ‘If we were to carry out a survey among ordinary people', says Jaime Errázuriz, ‘I am sure that practically everybody would think that the engraving depicted the heads of two elephants, complete with their turbaned riders; however, strangely enough, among the archaeological elite this interpretation has been distorted, under the influence of the prejudiced doubts of the isolationists, who think that it would have been impossible to find anyone in pre-Columbian America capable of drawing an elephant, since this would mean the recognition of there having been direct contact between the two continents. Therefore they have preferred to see parrots or even tortoises rather than admit this possibility.'

     At the same time, Jaime Errázuriz points out that isolation may well produce stable and peaceful societies, but never progressive ones and adds: ‘For this reason, it is hard to believe in history books that tell us that, out of the blue, with no previous experience, experimental periods or external intervention, the Olmec (*) suddenly acquired artistic perfection in their jade work, or that the Chavín (**) abruptly became expert metalworkers.'

(*) Members of a group of pre-Columbian peoples living on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, in what is now the state of Veracruz, between 800 and 300 BC. It is the earliest Mexican civilization, and possibly the most creative.

(**) The Chavín Civilization dates back to pre-Columbian Peru (850-300 BC) and is the earliest to develop in the Chavín valleys of Huantar, Casma, Empeña, Cupisnique and Lamabayeque. The members of this civilization were farmers and they also knew how to work gold and silver, and to weave wool and cotton; they were talented builders, sculptors and potters.

     Going back to the fascinating subject of elephants in America, I have actually known something about the subject since 1991 when I received from Germany Heinke Sudhoff's book Sorry Kolumbus: Seefahrer der Antike entdecken Amerika (Gustav Lübbe Verlag, Bergisch Gladbach, 1991). Sudhoff's work is very similar to that of Jaime Errázuriz, though in this case the author sets out to show, with great success in my opinion, by means of numerous photographs – 203 of them in all – the deep-rooted cultural relations that existed between pre-Columbian America and the Mediterranean.

     On page 158 of Heinke Sudhoff's work there are two illustrations. The first is of a stone slab with an inscription written in Libyan and an elephant above, dating from the third century BC. Strangely enough, this block was discovered in Ecuador, a country lying on the Pacific coast. The second photograph shows another stone with a Phoenician inscription and an elephant at the bottom. It dates from the second century BC and is kept in the Museum of Carthage. What conclusion can we draw from its discovery in Ecuador? In my opinion, it could confirm the hypothesis of the existence of Phoenician voyages between the Red Sea and South America, just as we have already seen in Paul Gallez's La Cola del Dragón.

     A further important point, says Jaime Errázuriz, is that the isolationists consider that any analogies between Asia and America are due to independent inventions only to be expected of indigenous peoples, and that trans-Pacific voyages would have been impossible, owing to the more than 9,000 sea miles separating the two coasts, a distance they considered to be insurmountable in view of the limitations of sea travel 5,000 years ago.

     However, in the preface, Betty J. Meyers tells us about some sensational, new scientific research: ‘As for an answer in the controversy over trans-Pacific contact, it will depend on conclusive evidence of a very similar nature offered to us by two promising candidates; the existence among the population of pre-Columbian Andean villages of a retrovirus of tropical Asian origin which could only have been transmitted by a living person (Betty J. Meyers, Introducción en Evolución y Difusión Cultural, Ediciones Abya-Yala, Quito, 1998, pages 7-28) and the identification of Shang characters in Olmec symbols, since attributing these two cases to independent causes would violate all the basic premises of the theory of evolution'.


     Jaime Errázuriz offers us further information on the Asian retrovirus on page 103 (as I do, thanks to Internet) of the Cuenca del Pacífico: 4.000 años de contactos culturales, telling us that a strain of leukaemia has been discovered; the human T-cell lymphotropic virus type 1 (HTLV-1), mainly found in the Kyushu region of Japan and also among Australian aborigines and in South America, specifically in the Andes. These findings were published in Cuadernos de Japón, (vol. III, n. 1, 1994). The research carried out by a group of Japanese and Chilean experts was led by Dr. Tajima Kazuo, chief of the Department of Epidemiology in the Aichi Cancer Research Centre Institute, in Nagoya, Japan. Antibodies have also been discovered among present day Mabuchi Indians in Chile

     In order to know the true history of the pre-discoveries of America and pre-Columbian trans-Pacific voyages, the crucial fact is that we can state that the retrovirus has been found in the course of the examination of 104 mummies, of between 1,200 and 1,500 years of age, in an excellent state of conservation, in the Atacama Desert in the north of Chile. Their conservation, incidentally, was due to the dryness of the ground and the levels of saltpetre. They were able to obtain DNA samples from the spinal column of two of the mummies and their sequences coincide perfectly with the HTLV-1 type virus still prevalent today among the Japanese (Nature Genetics, December 1999). ‘This finding confirms that this virus of Asian origin reached America before the arrival of the Spanish', says Kenneth Kidd of Yale University.

     In the opinion of some experts, such as Josie Glauisusz (Discoverer, vol. 21, no.3, March 2000), the analyses carried out over a ten year period on the descendants of the primitive inhabitants of South America by Tajima Kazuo and the virologist Shunro Sonoda go to show that the retrovirus reached the Pacific coasts of America in the blood of Asian immigrants; travellers who would have crossed the Bering Strait, frozen over at that time, between 12,000 and 25,000 years ago. Whatever the case, whether the Asian travellers wandered south from Alaska down into South America, or sailed across the Pacific, science, through Dr Kazuo, has proved beyond any doubt that the Japanese of today share the same HTLV-1 virus found in pre-Columbian mummies in the Andes.


      While I do not intend to present a detailed summary of the rest of Jaime Errázuriz's book, I would like to draw attention to some important points, and among them the enormous number of geographical names in Peru, still used today, that are also Chinese words. We will have a look at them later on.

     The book, 227 pages long with 195 illustrations, recounts the arrival of the Japanese in America, contacts between Mesoamerica and South America, the Chavín civilization and its mysterious Chinese origins, Asian remains on the coast of Ecuador, how Buddha's message came to America and American ideas made an appearance in Southeast Asia and his conclusions. Let us have a look at some specific information:

A)    By about 200 AD, Chinese trans-Pacific voyages seem to have stopped, possibly due to the long period of internal political unrest that culminated in the fall of the Han dynasty.

B)     The knowledge of alloys and soldering in the possession of the Chavín civilization can only be explained when we learn that these techniques were published in China in 500 BC in a book titled Kuagonggi (The Craftsmen's Register), the first book we know of that mentions the formulae of different alloys and the importance of their composition in relation to their point of fusion. The author refers us to a section where we can see the immense difficulties involved in acquiring expertise in this field.

C)     On studying the Asian remains to be found on the coasts of Ecuador, Errázuriz claims that the simultaneous appearance of as many as nine separate Asian features on the American continent could not possibly have been a mere coincidence and less still a debatable human ‘psychic unity', especially when we consider that the American Pacific coast extends over 16,000 kilometres and these remains are only to be found along a 200 kilometre stretch on the coast of Ecuador. We should also remember that their appearance did not take place over any length of time, since most of the objects with these characteristics have been discovered in excavations at the same stratigraphical level, corresponding to the beginnings of the Christian era. Among the nine Asian features we should specifically mention architectonic style, pillows or neck rests, large tripod vases, weights for fishing nets or seated figures. As Jaime Errázuriz says, it is far easier to believe in trans-Pacific travel rather than that nine separate objects could have been invented practically simultaneously, all within a very brief space of time, and that they all have a counterpart in Asia rather than among their Mesoamerican neighbours, as might logically have been expected. To help him to understand this better, the reader will find numerous illustrations of these articles.

D)    Another connection between Asia and South America is the wheel. Although history books tell us that it was unknown there before the arrival of the Spaniards, this is not at all true. Numerous different toys with wheels have been found in archaeological excavations in Central America, just as they have in India and China. The author of Cuenca del Pacífico: 4000 años de contactos culturales poses the question: ‘How can anyone of any sense believe that the wheel was invented in America by somebody making a toy to amuse his children and at the same time believe that the very same thing occurred in India in precisely the same period?' In an attempt to explain why the invention of the wheel could not have been successfully applied to general use, the author justifies this theory by pointing out the scarcity of roads and bridges, the lack of animals to pull carts and the rough terrain and dense forests people had to travel through. All this, together with their ability to carry more than one load on his back, meant that the wheel was unnecessary.

E)     In his conclusions, Jaime Errázuriz makes an important reference to Michael D. Coe (‘Directions of Cultural Diffusion; Review of Meggers' 1966 in Science 155; 184-186  ‘The Olmec Heartland; Evolution of Ideology'. In Regional Perspectives of the Olmec, published by R. J. Grove CUP pp. 68-82 1989), who casts further light on contact between Asia and South America: ‘Even more extraordinary, as the scientific historian Dr Joseph Needham reminds us, is the fact that both Chinese astronomers of the Han dynasty and the ancient Mayas used exactly the same complex calculations to receive advance warning of the possibility of lunar or solar eclipses. This data would appear to suggest that there was direct trans-Pacific contact. Since oriental navigation was always of a far higher technical level than that known to exist in the New World in pre-Hispanic times, it is possible for Asian scholars to have established some kind of communication with their Mesoamerican counterparts around the end of the pre-Classical age'. We should remember that the Han dynasty lasted from 206 BC to 220 AD and that the Mayan civilization lasted from 300 BC to 800 AD, that is they were contemporary for over 400 years. We will leave Jaime Errázuriz for a moment. In the Barcelona newspaper La Vanguardia (14 March 2003), Josep Corbella reminds us that the Maya were one of the most advanced civilizations in history, as we are only too well aware; they used the zero, their priests were also astronomers and were able to make accurate predictions of the dates of solar eclipses and they used a hieroglyphic writing system which has yet to be completely deciphered. Their demographic expansion was based on their large-scale corn crops and they were also accomplished architects whose chief monuments included palaces, temples, ball-game courts, steam baths and tombs. However, the sensational information in the Vanguardia article is that, according to a study published in Science magazine (Vol. 299, no. 5613) in its 14 March 2003 issue, they were wiped out by a hundred-and-fifty-year drought. So, as we can see, the Mayas did not disappear mysteriously; a prolonged drought in the Yucatan led to a demographic catastrophe and wiped out a great civilization.

F)      In his work, Jaime Errázuriz also mentions the production of paper for folding books in Central America. Michael Coe, whom I have previously mentioned, gives more detailed information on the subject after studying the work of Dr. Paul Tolstoy of Montreal University (‘Paper Route' published in Natural History 6/91). Tolstoy has carried out a detailed study of the techniques and tools used in the manufacture of paper from tree bark in the Pacific area. This skill, already known in ancient China, Southeast Asia and Central America, spread from eastern Indonesia to Central America and the main use for the paper was the production of folding books for recording rituals, calendars and astronomical information. Presumably, this knowledge was spread by means of these books, says Dr. Tolstoy, still used up to the present day by some peoples such as the Batak, and shows that cultural exchange had taken place. The Batak are an important Malayan ethnic group dwelling in the area around Lake Toba in the north of Sumatra. The conclusions Paul Tolstoy draws are interesting and seem self-evident: “If somebody did not actually carry one of these books to Mesoamerica, then he at least carried the idea. The first bark pulp beater used in paper manufacture appear in Mayan territory, mainly on the Pacific coastal plains 2,500 years ago, about 200 years later than those discovered in Southeast Asia. The arrival of the beaters took place at the very start of the development of the Mayan civilization, the only one in America to have books”. Lastly, on the subject of trans-Pacific travel, Michael Coe says that ‘this does not necessarily mean that the Mayas, or any of the other Central American civilizations, were a mere derivative of Old World prototypes. What it suggests is that the Mayas may have received some important ideas with their origin in the Eastern Hemisphere'.

G)     Peruvian placenames must be another deciding factor and should be taken into account when we claim there were strong connections between China and Peru in pre-Columbian times. 89 Peruvian names with a meaning in Chinese have been found, along with 118 Peruvian geographical names that are similar to those of places in China. Jaime Errázuriz offers all such names divided into two lists, and they had already been listed by Francisco A. Loayza (Chinos llegaron antes de Colón, Lima 1948); Germán Stiglich (Diccionario geográfico del Perú, Lima 1922) and A. M. Hamelin (Dictionnaire alphabetique chinois-français, Paris 1887).

     I received an e-mail from Paul Gallez on March 26 2003, in which he told me he had finished reading Jaime Errázuriz's Cuenca del Pacífico, and says: ‘What is new to me is the extent of the presence of Chinese placenames in Peru. The subject of the Chinese in Peru is an old one. It was discussed in China in the Middle Ages and in France from 1761 onwards by de Guignes and others, some for and some against, such as Eichtal, de Guignes, Hennig, Klaproth, Leland, Neumann, Paravay, Schlegel, Sherbondy de Tord, Vinning, Vivien de Saint-Martin and Wheeler Pires Ferreira, all of whom I have mentioned in the bibliography of my book La Cola del Dragón. What is new in Errázuriz is not actually new, though it was unknown: his map of Chinese placenames together with data drawn from forgotten books of 1877 and 1992. I believe that this proof must be definitive, and brings to an end the argument that began in 1761. 240 years later de Guignes has come out the winner.'


     In Fusang: Chinos en América antes de Colón, pages 52-55, Gustavo Vargas Martínez brings up an intriguing subject that would seem to point to yet another cultural link of enormous significance in the life of pre-Columbian South America. He says that ‘special mention should be made of the knotted strings, since not only are they an element of analogical confrontation, but basically, they also represent an acquired system that has to be learnt.  In his book, Histoire de la Chine the eminent Jesuit Chinese scholar, P. Martin (*) had already remarked on the ancient Chinese system of knotting strings, many years before the appearance of writing. They used to place the knots at specific intervals, make use of different colours and, by carefully following agreed rules, they created a sign code substituting other ways of counting and writing'. What is most astounding, says Vargas, is that ‘an identical system was discovered among the Incas, so sophisticated that it was used as an official register for their annals, State accounts, astronomical observations, rates and taxes and even as a means of communication, since it was used to carry news and message over long distances'. Among the Incas these strings were called quipus, and the Chinese called them qi pui, ‘back memorising'; in China today the same system is known as chie sheng. It is perfectly obvious for anyone to see that the quipu is a forerunner of the abacus (**), in common use all over Asia up to the present day.

(*) Martin Marini was born in Trent, Austria, in 1614. He died on June 6 1661 in Hangtschen, China.

(**) The abacus is made up of a square with ten parallel wires, each with ten movable beads, and is used in Asian schools to teach children how to count.

     However, it was Alexander von Humboldt (Atlas geographique et physique du Royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne, Paris, 1811) who saw the connection between the South American quipus and the Asians, and the Chinese in particular. He uses this analogy as a base to suggest there had been Chinese migrations to the ‘east of California' during the sixth and seventh centuries, which is precisely when the old Chinese books tell of Hui Shen's journey to Mexico.

     The fact is that nowadays there is a great interest among researchers of American history to learn more about quipus. It is as if they were carrying out an autopsy, if you will excuse the comparison, using the latest technology. As for me, I read in the magazine Historia y vida (Barcelona XXXV, no. 425, August 2003) that Gary Urton, an anthropology professor at Harvard University, claims to have discovered the purpose for which quipus were used.

According to conventional theories, quipus were used to represent numbers, but Urton believes that they are actually a system of writing. Each quipu contains a binary code made up of seven bits, which can combine to give over 1,500 units of information. If this were confirmed, then the Incas would not only have invented a binary code 500 years before the advent of information technology, they would also have used it as part of the only three-dimensional written language'. Well, well, well. What surprises we have been given by the peoples of pre-Hispanic America!

     I wanted to find out more on the subject so I bought the book from the United States (Signs of the Inka Quipu – Binary coding in the Andean Knotted-string Records, University of Texas, Austin, 2003). I received it on August 18 2003 and have recently finished reading it, though I must admit it hasn't been at all easy for me to understand. However, let's have a look at Gary Urton's conclusions:

 Finally, building on the important contributions of past and present-day quipu specialists (esp. Locke, Ascher and Ascher, and Conklin), this study has attempted to introduce a new form of analysis into Inka studies – that of binary coding. The central ideas and concepts that I believe have been added here to the debate over the nature of quipu record keeping are the following:

(a)    an elaboration of the idea that binary coding was one of the principal  mechanisms of and strategies for record keeping in the Inka quipu;

(b)    a separation between the recording code and the script, or the ‘readable' message, in the quipu;

(c)    the argument that the binary coding of quipu constituted a means for encoding paired elements that were in relationships of binary opposition to each other, and that, at a semantic level, these relations were of a character known in the literature as markedness relations; and

(d)    the beginnings of sketching out a theory of interpreting the hierarchical and asymmetrical (i.e., marked/unmarked) signs of, especially, nondecimal (‘anomalous') quipu as the architecture for canonical literatures (e.g., poetry, historical narratives) whose essential components would have been noted by quipukamayuq and used as the framework – call it mnemonic or call it simple number/object writing – for constructing narrative recitations.

In the future, concludes Urton, I hope we will find this a helpful and productive model to build on in our continuing studies of these extraordinary record-keeping devices of the pre-Columbian and early colonial Andean worlds.'

(*) Quipucamayoc – a person educated by the amautas (**) in special schools called Yachayhuasi, who was the expert in drawing up, ‘reading' and storing the quipus; he could be a member of the nobility, and if not, then he was an ‘honourable' person gifted with a phenomenal memory. The Quipucamayoc could be considered to be the equivalent of a present-day economic analyst and the quipu had the same importance for the Incas as the computer for modern economists, (from the magazine of the Colegio de Economistas de Lima, May 27 2003).

(**) The amautas are the Andean schoolmasters, the elite in every field of knowledge (philosophers, priests, scientists, engineers, artists, designers etc.) whose task it has been over thousands of years to create, maintain, develop and transmit the traditional cultural values of the Inca people. (See, last updated on September 15 2003).

     We should also look at the work carried out by William Burns Glynn (Decodificación de quipus, Banco Central de Reserva del Perú/Universidad Atlas Peruanas, 2002). William Burns Glynn is a textile engineer, Honorary President of the Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua, an 80-year-old Englishman who has lived in Peru for over thirty years and the author of several books on Peruvian history and culture. In his latest work, he shows that writing did exist during the Inca civilization, since the ‘quipus were not only used as account ledgers, but were also used as a receptacle for their poetry'. William Burns' research led him to conclude that the quipus must have worked on a decimal system. Carrying on from here, Dr. Virgilio Roel Pineda explains how another problem arose when they discovered that the writing was based on only ten signs or letters instead of the 26 or more letters used in western languages. Burns eliminated all vowel sounds from his model, as in the case of Hebrew and Arab writing, which are made up solely of consonants. Then Burns went about cutting down the number of consonant signs by excluding those with similar sounds. In this way he was left with 10 consonants, which took on meaning when he associated them to the colours of the quipu strings and he discovered that the geometrical signs accompanying Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala's Nueva crónica de buen gobierno offered a coherent writing system. Burns' book offers us proof of the existence of this form of expression; he sets out his lines of research and includes the decoding of ten of these quipus. (See information of JCM at, n.1771, May 8 2003)

Quadrant àrab / Cuadrante árabe / Arab quadrant (Cortesía: Fundació Jaume I, Nadal, 1991)


     In La Cola del Dragón, Paul Gallez tells us that the theory referring to the earliest travels to distant lands as yet not identified with total certainty, is that of the expeditions to the Land of Punt (Richard Hennig, Terrae Incognitae, 4 vols, Leiden, Brill 1950, in vol. I, pages 5-13). The first known voyage to this region is that organised by the pharaoh Sahure of the fifth dynasty (circa 2550 BC). His ships brought back incense, myrrh, gold, silver, precious woods and slaves from Punt and the many other lands and islands they called at during the voyage. Not all these items came from the Land of Punt, so we do not have to look for just one country producing all these riches.

     The pharaoh Asa (Isesi) followed Sahure's example, and around 2400 BC he also sent out his fleets to the Land of Punt. One of the princesses of the sixth dynasty was placed in her tomb, ready for her journey to the Land of the Dead, wearing a lip colouring with an antimony base, though this metal was totally unknown in Egypt and any of its neighbouring countries. The stone on the tomb of Knemhopet, a pilot from the island of Elephantine who had been on eleven voyages to the Land of Punt, dates back to the same period (Paul Herrman; La aventura de los primeros descubrimientos, Labor Encyclopaedia, 1967).

     During the ninth dynasty, the pharaoh Seanjkare sent out new expeditions to the same mysterious land, with equal success. The best-known and possibly the most fruitful voyages, are those organised by Queen Hatshepsut (also called Hacheput, Hatcheposut, Huschpeswa, Hatashopsitu, Hachepsowe, Hatasuput and Hatscheposut, 1501-1482BC) whose deeds are engraved in the temple of Deir-el-Bahari, which she herself ordered to be built in Thebes to honour Amen-Ra.

     Hatshepsut's main expedition was made up of at least five large ships with thirty oarsmen in each of them. They sailed from somewhere on the Red Sea and were away for three years.

     One of the inscriptions in the temple of Deir-el-Bahari reads: ‘The inhabitants of Punt asked: How have you reached this country unknown to man? Have you flown here through the sky, or have you sailed across the Great Ocean from the Land of the Gods?' (Richard Hennig: Terrae Incognitae, 4 vols, Leiden, Brill 1950, I, 5, Ophir).

      How can one not feel tempted by interpretations that immediately spring to mind and would seem to give each other mutual support? The expression ‘Great Ocean' is what we know today as the Pacific Ocean. The Land of the Gods is the name given to the West in all mythologies, which would place the Pacific to the west of Punt and would therefore place Punt in America.

     According to the tales of the life of Ramses IV in the Harris Papyrus kept in the British Library, the pharaoh Ramses III sent an expedition of 10,000 men to Punt in 1180 BC. The last expedition that we know of, which set off at around the middle of the second century BC, was arranged with the help of traders and bankers from Massilia, our modern-day Marseilles (Hans Philip: article on ‘Massilia' in Paulys Real-Encylopädie der classichen Altertumswissenschaft XIV/2, Stuttgart, Druckenmüller, 1930).

     The Egyptian ships built for ocean going were about thirty metres long and up to eighty-five tonnes in capacity. Under favourable weather conditions, their flat bottoms enabled them to sail at great speed. When the wind dropped, the oarsmen would take over the job of propelling the vessel, so that the voyage could continue without having to wait for a change of wind.

     Egyptian scholars do not agree on the location of the Land of Punt. Some of them suggest Eritrea, others Somalia, Zimbabwe, Hadhramaut or India. However, all these places are far too close to the Red Sea to justify the length of the voyage; three years according to all the relevant Egyptian records.

     In his article ‘Trois thèses de predecouverte de l'Amerique du Sud par le Pacifique' (Gesnerus 33, 1976, Aarau, Zurich), Paul Gallez offers a new interpretation. He locates the Land of Punt in South America, probably, in the Puno region of Peru, on the shores of Lake Titicaca. 70% of Peru's annual gold production comes from there, together with antimony, mercury, zinc, tin and cobalt. Old gold and antimony mines can be found in the area, though archaeologists disagree as to their exact age. The boats used to sail on Lake Titicaca, made of cat-tail (a long-stemmed, reed-like, grassy plant of the Typhaceous family with a cylindrical ear) are so similar to those used in ancient Egypt that Thor Heyerdhal went to Puno to recruit workers to build him his papyrus boat Ra II on the banks of the Nile. Puno lies quite near to the Pacific, at a distance of 240 kilometres as the crow flies, and the ruins to be found in intervening valleys belong to the same Tiahuanaco or pre-Tiahuanaco civilizations (José Imbelloni: La Segunda esfinge indiana, Buenos Aires, Hachette 1956, p. 90). The Puno theory deserves special study, and as matters stand at the present time, is just as acceptable as any of the other sites suggested for the Land of Punt.


     With the passage of time, persistent researchers normally manage to unearth new information to enrich previous works. This is the case with Paul Gallez on the subject of ancient Egyptians in America, published in Predescubrimientos de América (Instituto Patagónico, Bahía Blanca 2001, p 52 onwards). Gallez says: ‘In 1976, Barry Fell (América A.C. Los primeros colonizadores del Nuevo Mundo. México, Diana 1983) gave his translation of a tri-lingual inscription found on a funeral mound in Davenport, Iowa, that describes the Egyptian new year celebration held on the March equinox. The three languages are Egyptian, Iberian Punic and Libyan. This stone has been dated at 800 BC, during the twenty-first Egyptian dynasty (Libyan). The phrases referring to astronomy and religion in traditional ancient Egyptian characters only vary in passages copied by different hands'. According to French television, he adds, an Egyptian mummy dating from the same twenty-first dynasty was perfumed with tobacco and cocaine, two typically American products.

     Another sensational discovery, also made by Barry Fell, is the use of pictorial writing by the Micmac Indians of Arcadia, the Canadian region lying north of Maine and south of the Saint Lawrence estuary. This tribe, which belongs to the Algonquin nation (*), was converted to Christianity in the eighteenth century by Abbe Maillard, who used pictorial writing to compose a catechism, a religious history, the rites of mass, the main prayers and some of the psalms for his parishioners. In 1738, Maillard drew up his Manuel hieroglyphicus Micmac for the use of his French compatriots. For more than two hundred years Maillard was believed to have made up these pictorial characters to write these prayers for the faithful of his parish, but in 1823, sixty-one years after Maillard's death, Campolion began the task of decoding them. Barry Fell has now shown that these Egyptian hieroglyphics are very similar to those used by the Micmac. How was Maillard able to learn Egyptian writing before Campolion showed how it could be read and its meaning understood. There is only one possible answer – declares Gallez: the Micmac knew and indeed used Egyptian pictorial writing and had learned it from the Egyptians themselves. How and when this might have occurred are unsolved mysteries, but the fact that the relevant questions are now being asked is a great step forward. The fact is that the present-day Algonquin hold an annual celebration to mark their ancestors' arrival in America from across the sea, but they know neither where they came from nor when.

     In another chapter, Fell shows an inscription found in Texas, etched in the Libyan language using the Ogam alphabet, which tells of the arrival of the crew of a ship belonging to king Shishong, the name of several kings of Egypt reigning between 1000 and 800 BC.

     As for South America, Barry Fell was able to convince only a handful of Chileans that the rock inscription in Tinguiririca (34º 45´S) represents Egyptian territorial claims. The inscriptions were found by Karl Stolp in a cave in the Andes in 1885 and the results of his research were published in 1877 in the journal of the Sociedad Científica de Chile.

     Some years later, in October 1974, Barry Fell came across Karl Stolp's article with the reproduction of the main inscription in the Tinguririca grotto and discovered that it must refer to the same expedition that also reached New Guinea. Fell translated the lithograph as follows:

‘Southern boundary of the coast reached by Mawi. This region forms the southern boundary of the mountainous land the captain claims by written proclamation in this triumphant land. The fleet of ships reached this southern boundary. In the name of the king of Egypt, his queen and his noble son, the navigator claims this land stretching over 4,000 miles of rocky, rugged land, lifted up high.

                                                      August 5th, in the sixth year of the King.

     In those days, the pharaoh was Ptolemy III Evergetes, the queen's name was Berenice and the son was the future pharaoh Ptolemy IV Philopator. The language was Libyan, related to Egyptian and ancient Maori; Libyan writing was used in New Zealand until the fifteenth century.

     Fell's great experience as an expert in translating Libyan and Maori stone engravings is a guarantee for the translation he offers us to be taken seriously.

     However, apparently there was nobody in Chile who understood ancient Libyan and Maori, and the intelligentsia rejected the research and Fell was written off as a fraud. They said: ‘Confusing pictures with writing is an aceptable error' (in La Semana Científica y Tecnológica, IV, no. 131-132, 13-20 March 1975, Santiago de Chile, Comisión Nacional de Investigación Científica y Tecnológica).

      In Chile the matter was considered closed, but Fell's discovery of both Egyptian engravings in Iowa and the Egyptian origin of Micmac hieroglyphics makes it of vital importance that we reconsider everything connected to the Egyptians, whose influence in America has already been confirmed by the works of Ibarra Grasso, Heinke Sudhoff and other anthropologists and archaeologists. As Paul Gallez declares, in view of the rejection of the Chilean intelligentsia, it seems clear that ‘all over the world, man is unwilling to admit what he doesn't understand'.

(*) The collective name of members of the Indian linguistic family at one time widely spread over North America. The Algonquin tribes were scattered over a wide area, from the river Churchill as far as North and South Carolina and from Terra Nova to the Rocky Mountains.

With the help of the Torquetum


    The torquetum is an ingenious instrument which can be used to calculate ecliptic coordinates without the need of calculations based on any other coordinates. This instrument, which was called a tanawa in pre-Biblical times and was given the name of torquetum in 1492, could measure lunar distance as well as that of other celestial bodies, and with the aid of astronomical tables, roughly calculate position in terms of longitude.

    Here we can see an illustration of a tanawa or torquetum found in the ‘Caves of the Navigators', located in the Bay of McCluer, near Sosora, Irian Jaya, West New Guinea (Courtesy of Barry Fell in America BC, New York, Simon & Schuster, 1976, p. 118). The photograph of the modern torquetum belongs to Richard A. Paselk, website

    Some inscriptions were also discovered in these same caves and deciphered by Barry Fell in 1970. They tell us how, in 232 BC, an Egyptian fleet, composing of six ships under the command of Rata and Mawi, a friend of Eratosthenes, set sail from the Red Sea and reaching the western coasts of America. Information offered by Rick Sanders (Ancient navigators could have measured the longitude) in October 2001, published in 21st. Century Science & Technology Magazine. You can find further information on web

   Further related data can also be found on this same website: Inscripciones egipcias en América, based on the work of Paul Gallez (Predescubrimientos de América, Bahía Blanca, Argentina, 2001, p 52-59). The fact is that inscriptions related to those of West New Guinea were discovered in Tiguiririca (Chile), 34º 45´ S, in 1885 by Karl Stolp, and deciphered by Barry Fell in 1974.


According to Rick Sanders, the Egyptian sailors Rata and Mawi followed the route established on the map. However, Paul Gallez has formulated a scientific hypothesis contrary to this route. In an email dated March 20 2004, he says : ‘I am not convinced about the outward route thought to have been made to the east along the equator. The sea currents would have carried them east between 35º S and 45º S, and then the Humboldt Current would have taken them north along the coasts of Chile and Peru'. Everything would go to show that Paul Gallez is correct and this can be seen on the List of Illustrations, specifically on the map with The main sea currents. In actual fact, the Egyptian fleet must have sailed to the east or southeast of Australia making use of the East Australian and Southern Ocean currents, before sailing up the Pacific coast of South America with the help of the Humboldt Current. In this way we can explain the fact that Egyptian inscriptions have been found in Tiguiririca, Chile.